(183) Viernes 5 de noviembre de 2010
Después de la muerte de Néstor Kirchner, la oposición salió a mostrar uñas y dientes. Una sucesión de desatinos y torpezas dejaron al desnudo una vez más la pobreza de categorías analíticas de estos tipos y una mezquindad inigualable. Siguen siendo ellos los que mejor propaganda le hacen a un oficialismo que con la muerte de su líder viene enterrando desde Cobos para abajo a eso que algunos laman arco opositor. Macri y el titular de la UCR, Ernesto Sanz, coincidieron en pedirle a la presidenta que “baje el nivel de confrontación”. Ya casi todos comprenden lo que esto significa: dejar de enfrentar a las corporaciones que tienen poder. Stolbizer proposed the "formation of a government of consensus" to resume the "agenda of institutional recovery." Curious analysis assumes that something is lost and you need to recover and reach no less than her and their occasional allies. He also said the executive "should come quickly from the weakness that has been" right in the historical moment that has had more support this effort. Macri
The proposed "dialogue and work together to ensure that there is less poverty, more work and we return to a country chosen by the world to invest," Barcelona seems a joke. If
this political mess we add the nonsense of the media personalities who play for them, the combo that weapon is disgusting: Grondona speaks of "Hitler Youth" to refer to young people who were to dismiss the president, says he Tinelli "loved" being in the wake accompanying Cristina. He loved it, that's exactly the word used, a mixture of Freudian slip and black humor which was not a stranger to the Legrand to doubt whether he was in the drawer was really Kirchner.
is easy to see the two paradigms that are still struggling to the centrality of the national political scene: On one hand, this project neoliberal logics wormy distribution of wealth in the name of the pristine market laws and capturing all forms of "management" of the public to confine and reduce it to technocratic language while hypocritically cackles institutional quality only mean the return of the living dead to benefit privileged minority forever. On the other hand, the model begins to display antagonistic arises or is born in expressions that exceed the government but it has solved partially by returning something that was ours and that seemed lost, the desire to be the leaders and transformers of the story.
Such a confrontation, so it is still needed, but the penalty is that it diverts attention from fundamental debates between those who share a perspective of change and transformation.
Throughout the week the national political analysts more or less serious have been puzzled trying to glimpse the natural successor to President Nestor Kirchner. "A dead king as king," "The king is dead, long live the king" became commonplace of analysis. Note that compare with places like the central category of political power in any single individual, not collective, which is taken for granted that are worth fundamentally political personalities and to conceive of power as a reservoir, a site of accumulation, demanded an inherently top-down. Analyze who the successor to Kirchner as he seeks the most appropriate figure to concentrate power, storing, collecting, centralizing in few hands and from there decide supposedly the political good of all. The drawing that best expresses this view is that of the pyramid. Power to the party apparatus, the trade unions ... Up the rulers, and from there down a hierarchy that is going to go down to disciplining the majority from the base complies, or eventually suffer applauds the show is always another.
Assume that the policy is built only from this perspective, does not mean circumventing a substantive discussion? Is it possible to imagine another model who thinks not in terms of power but rather cumulative distributive? Can I change the picture of the pyramid of a circle? Is not this the right time to start re-inventing, imagining, dreaming of another way of political construction where power circuit, not inwhichthe or crystallized, not intoxicated? This relapse into old archaic policy analysis, do we not lose sight of the need to flatten the power, including new actors in new equity schemes? Bayer proposed these days inspired by the origins of our labor movement. There, "the only I could make decisions was the assembly, had no leaders, only a clerk to make clear decisions. " "Times have changed," says Osvaldo, however poses, such as "never to allow union office is established in a profession where the leader is the ultimate boss accompanied by a chorus applauds armed. Initiating a period of return to the bases of democratic control of the assembly. "
kirchnerismo not free despite its transforming way of putting new wine in old bottles to old recipes appealing cumulative power. In politics there are historic opportunities unique. Restorationist right is perhaps the main screen that will not let us think about this challenge, also the worst excuse.
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